Muskogee Perspective

The ancestors of the modern day Alabama, Chickasaw, Choctaw, Koasati, Miccosukee, Muskogee, Natchez, and Seminole Tribes, were genetically different from the other indigenous groups in much of the United States and Canada (Type C MtDNA). Their closest relatives live in the Central Highlands of Mexico from where they originally immigrated. Proto-Muskogeans (probably) were the builders of the first mounds and platform villages around Poverty Point, LA. They also were the first agricultural societies north of Mexico and began living in permanent agricultural villages as early as 500 BC. Despite all of these distinct differences, anthropologists continue to generalize cultural labels derived from the study of North American indigenous hunter-gatherer societies to the Muskogeans.

The Complex and Eclectic Nature of Muskogean Culture

Muskogeans have always been eclectic – that is, choosing aspects of foreign cultures with which they are in contact, and then incorporating those concepts into their own culture. The results were complex societies with multiple levels of traditions that often did not seem to be synonymous. During the era of town building, there was not one Muskogean culture, but several. Cultural variations even occurred within individual provinces, where people might speak several languages or dialects, produce differing styles of pottery & art, and erect different styles of buildings, yet share the same general political and religious traditions.

Unlike many Native American groups, though, Muskogean cultural traditions were never viewed as exclusive or requiring secrecy from outsiders. Participation in the cultural traditions automatically made one a member of that society, regardless of ethnicity or skin color. The invisibility of Eastern Creek & Yuchi cultural participation today is merely a response to 170 years of persecution by the European majority in the east. Small groups of Eastern Creek families continue some of their cultural heritage at family reunions and at remote locations to this day. For example, recently, our Creek tribe was invited to showcase its achievements at a “Pioneer Days Festival” in Florida. That evening, members of the tribe and non-member relatives/friends were invited to a communal feast followed by a massive bonfire on a bluff overlooking the Choctawhatchee River. We talked, sang songs, played Creek instruments and danced Creek social dances around the fire until it was nothing, but glowing embers. This communal tradition probably dates back thousands of years to the dawn of man’s presence here.

The Evolution of Muskogean Culture

Mankind has been building permanent settlements in the Southeastern United States for a long, long time. Currently, the oldest known large scale earthworks and permanent village site are at Watson’s Brake, LA – which dates from about 6000 BC. The ethnic identity of its builders is unknown. By 3000 BC indigenous peoples were beginning the domestication of native plants in the Southern Highlands and building permanent villages on shell rings along the South Atlantic Coast. Around 2500 BC the oldest known pottery in the Western Hemisphere appeared in the Savannah & Altamaha River Basins. Pottery would be useless to a migratory people. Around 1600 BC a massive flotilla of canoes appeared off the Gulf Coast of Mexico, containing the Zoque (Olmec) People. The Zoque soon began the first literate civilization in the Americas. Simultaneously, the people living in the Lower Mississippi River Basin at such locations as Poverty Point, LA began construction of massive platform villages and effigy mounds. It is very possible that these earthworks mark the arrival of the first Muskogeans to the Southeast from Mexico. They were organized into villages & chiefdoms. They probably relied on fishing, hunting and plant gathering for most of their sustenance.

Around 5-400 BC the inhabitants of the Etowah, Tallapoosa and Chattahoochee Valleys in western Georgia began living in small villages within fertile river bottomlands. Their permanence and location in prime agricultural soils strongly suggest that agriculture had become sufficiently important to allow for a people to be based at a single location. These first farmers were very possibly the first Muskogeans to enter what is now Georgia. The political organization of these first agricultural peoples was undoubtedly, simple chiefdoms.

By about 0 AD the Etowah and Chattahoochee settlements began growing in size. Platform and burial mounds were constructed. Major ceremonial centers began to develop near what is now Cartersville, GA, at Kolomoki in deep SW Georgia, and possibly on the lower Ocmulgee River in SE Georgia. By 400 AD the ceremonial sites contained multiple mounds and significant resident populations. The scale of the earthworks would have required labor far beyond the scale of the resident populations. This suggests that people voluntarily traveled up to 200 miles in order to work voluntarily on the structures. The political label “chiefdom” does not adequately describe these societies. Perhaps they were composed of numerous clans that were strongly influenced by religious leaders living at the shrines. A comparable situation would be the Bronze Age Celts in Europe, who were heavily influenced by the Druids.

Between 600 and 750 AD, all of the ceremonial centers in Georgia were abandoned. Apparently, the Muskogean culture returned to tribal or clan-based chiefdoms. Simultaneously, they were assimilating new technologies such as the bow & arrow, plus learning how to grow crops imported from Mesoamerica such as beans and an improved variety of corn. This culture continued in some parts of the region until 1000 AD, but new ways of living were coming up the rivers of Southern Georgia by at least 900 AD, probably as early as 750 or 800 AD. Around 900 AD what would become a large town was founded by newcomers on a plateau near the Fall Line of the Ocmulgee River. These newcomers were probably not Muskogean, but they introduced a hierarchal organization to society that would soon superimpose the traditional clan based organization of Muskogean chiefdoms.

Communal Societies

Most North American indigenous cultures, including those of the Muskogean, were communal – i.e. the land of the ethnic group was owned in common by the members of the ethnic group. Anthropologists some times forget this fact when projecting European political and economic concepts onto the interpretation of Native American artifacts and architecture. The closest contemporary examples of communal societies would be the Israeli kibbutzes or the ejidos founded throughout Mexico after the 1910-1919 Revolution. Large tracts of farmland and orchards were assigned to individual clans and owned in common by the women of the clans. The hunting and fishing lands were owned by all the men in common. Women owned all the domestic buildings as personal property on free leaseholds granted to them by the village or town council. The bodies of commoners were often buried under the floors of houses, which gave their descendants’ permanent use of the site. The women of a clan owned special sections of a town or village reserved for them while they were menstruating or bearing children. The members of male-only societies owned the buildings in which they met. Probably, the members of the elite founding families own the special burial mounds and temple mounds. The citizens of a town or members of clans jointly owned some warehouses, armories and granaries to store their food reserves and military equipment. During hierarchal times, the House of the Sun also owned warehouses and granaries, where provincial food & commodity reserves, plus military equipment were stored. The House of the Sun would have also owned the buildings that functioned as ossuaries for past Great Suns, museums, and treasuries.

Being in a communal society, the welfare of the whole was considered preeminent over the welfare of the individual. Even though the clans owned the farm fields and individual households were assigned specific grids of land for their own sustenance, the land was cultivated by groups of women, who went from field to field cultivating each others land. The produce of a single field, though, was owned by a single household – of course, minus a share given to the House of the Sun and the local government. It is also possible that during Hierarchal times, there were fields and orchards owned by the House of the Sun that were maintained by the community.

Muskogean Religion

At the time of European Contact, the ancestors of the Creeks, Seminoles, Miccosukee, Alabama & Koasati practiced a monotheistic religion based on the worship of a single, invisible, omnipotent Creator. It was NOT the same religion as practiced by the western Muskogeans in the Mississippi River Basin. Unlike the Natchez, Florida Arawaks and people of the Central Mississippi Valley, there was no human sacrifice or worship of idols. The de Soto Chronicles recount that the Eastern Muskogeans repeatedly explained that the many stone, ceramic and wood statues in and around public buildings were famous ancestors, not gods. However, they also were aware that neighboring societies, whom they considered pagans, did worship idols.

Major features of Southeastern monotheism included the concept of an eternal soul; a heavenly spiritual world for the righteous located somewhere to the west that was ruled by the Creator; an underground hell for evil-doers ruled by the Horned Serpent; daily ritual bathing (baptism); mandatory confession & forgiveness of sins prior to participation in rituals; the requirement that men wear turbans while inside a sacred building or space; the requirement that women live apart from men during menstruation and delivery of babies; the recognition of towns and places where no blood could be shed; seasonal religious festivals; the title of Keeper being used for all types of priests; the special spiritual significance of caves and mountaintops; and the renewal of all domestic hearths from the coals of the Sacred Fire in the temple at the beginning of the new year.

Interestingly enough, these beliefs and practices were identical to those even today, of the ancient sect of the Samaritans in Israel. For this fact, we currently have no explanation. There were only a few significant differences between the two religions. All righteous Muskogean men and women worshiped together, while both the Samaritans & Jews segregate women. Also, the Muskogean have no cultural memory of circumcision, while both the Samaritans & Jews still practice this custom. Like the Maya, the Muskogean were obsessed with the keeping of accurate time and calendars by means of monitoring the sun (as a religious obligation.) The Muskogean calendar was far more accurate than that used by the ancient Hebrews, but much more similar to the Gregorian calendar than the Maya calendar in its structure (7-day week~30 day month.)

What confuses anthropologists not familiar with the eclectic nature of Muskogean culture are the multiple levels of cultural traditions, ancient sagas and religious symbols that were attached to the monotheism of the Muskogeans. Deep inside the multiple layers of this religious “onion” was the religion that was brought by the Proto-Muskogeans from the Central Highlands of Mexico. It was the religion of Teotihuacan. It was polytheistic religion that had at its pinnacle an invisible Sun Goddess and her consort, the Moon God. Such deities as Quetzalcoatl (Venus) and Tlaloc (Rain God), a war god, a corn god/goddess, plus many other minor deities were also competing members of the pantheon. The logo glyphs in the Muskogean syllabary used for these objects in the sky were virtually identical to those written by Mesoamericans. The Muskogeans HAD a logo glyphic system of writing very similar to the original Olmec writing system. Samples of it can be seen on the pubic guards of human figures.

At some unknown point in time, the polytheism of the Proto-Muskogeans evolved into a monotheism in which the old gods became mythological humans and animals in fables. The Uncle Remus Stories are vestiges of these sagas that 18^th Century enslaved Muskogeans told to their fellow African slaves. The rabbit was the “trickster” in Muskogean oral literature. As for Brer Bear? There are no bears in Africa. Quetzalcoatl bifurcated into a feathered serpent in the sky and a horned serpent in the ground, but the Mesoamerican Venus glyph remained an elite symbol, perhaps the symbol of some bureaucratic rank. Many of the minor Teotihuacano deities apparently became merely constellations in the sky associated with famous mythical people.

Evidently, the elite of the early towns such as Ocmulgee recognized the existence of a Moon God consort to the Sun Goddess. Ocmulgee has a secondary earthen pyramid adjacent to the main sun pyramid – just like Teotihuacan. However, the later towns and Historical Creek towns had bipolar plazas, anchored on one end by a temple and on the other end by a structure for communal gatherings. Whenever the Historical Period Cherokees would capture a Muskogean town in North Carolina, Georgia or Tennessee, they would destroy the temple of the Creator and the house of the Great Sun. These would be replaced by with a single communal structure.

Another fascinating eclectic feature of Muskogean religion was that the organization and names of its priests were IDENTICAL to those of the Mayas. The Eastern Muskogean and Maya had three classes of priests serving the community and one class serving the needs of individuals or families. The three communal classes were Keeper of the Day (astronomers), Keeper of the Rituals, and Keepers of the Sacred Fire. The Keepers of Medicine were folk priests, who functioned both as doctors and “agricultural extension agents.” Today, the traditional Maya only have day keepers and folk priests. Among contemporary Creeks, it is women, who typically pass the knowledge of herbal medicine down, and function as Medicine Keepers.

Burial Customs: During the Woodland and Sedentary Periods (Sedentary = time of ceremonial centers) most members of the community were buried together in mounds or cemeteries. Some “Royal Caves” have been found in northern Georgia and Alabama, that suggest that the bodies of some of the theocratic elite did receive special treatment, but they were an infrequent minority. There was at least one mortuary village (Tunacunnhee) in NW Georgia that seems to have been the [super-store] for obtaining proper burial rituals for the deceased. There is no indication that it was for the exclusive use of the elite. It may have been for the exclusive use of a certain ethnic group or followers of a certain religion, however.

Burial practices changed radically during the Hierarchal Period. The commoners apparently buried most of their dead under floors of houses, with few grave goods. The elaborate burials of the elite were in large burial mounds that were screened from access by the general public. Ocmulgee appears to have had a special village just for funerals and burials. Ocmulgee’s Mound C was a large burial mound built on the west side of a ravine that defined the acropolis at Ocmulgee. It was surrounded by numerous houses, communal structures and mortuary buildings. Burial in Mound C was possibly limited to descendants of the founders of Ocmulgee or at least, followers of a certain religion. Most of the magnificent examples of ceramic, copper, stone and shell art found at Etowah Mounds, were in the elite burials. However, at both Ocmulgee and Etowah Mound, archaeologists discovered the graves of men, who were obviously extremely important political or religious leaders, but who were buried in isolated graves situated among houses. Were these the graves of men who had risen to great influence through their achievements, yet were not members of the House of the Sun, and therefore, not eligible for burial in a mound? It will take more archaeological research to answer that question, assuming it is answerable.

Political Structure

The chroniclers of the de Soto Expedition clearly did not understand that Muskogean societies were different than the Arawak societies of Florida and the Caribbean Basin. They almost consistently labeled the Great Sun’s of the large Muskogean towns “cacique’s” – which is the Arawak word for chief. Sometimes, at an especially large town such as Kusv (Coosa) they simultaneously used the Castilian word for a feudal baron, which has been translated into English as “lord.” They were careful not to call these powerful heads of state, kings, for fear of implying equality with the King of Spain. De la Bandera, chronicler for the de Pardo Expedition, was far more observant. He did record the hierarchy of leadership more accurately, including the fact that village leaders or Orataw (see in later paragraph) were appointed functionaries of the central government, not the equivalent of an Arawak cacique or chief. Nevertheless, contemporary anthropologists continue to conceive Muskogean political structures as being similar to those of the Arawaks. In other words, that they were dominated by a single leader.

The majority of Muskogean provinces existing prior to the 1600s could best be described as representative theocracies, very similar in structure to the constitutional monarchy of 16^th Century England. During the Hierarchal Period, all male & female citizens theoretically voted to select clan representatives, who then elected leaders. (Convicted felons, war captives and children could not vote.) However, the choice of leaders was limited only to those members of the elite, who maintained disproportionate wealth and political power because of hereditary qualifications – namely descent from the town’s founders. The Muskogean governments were NOT chiefdoms, in any sense of the word used by contemporary anthropologists. Chiefdom is defined as a community dominated by a single man. However, the chronicles of the early Spanish explorers such as de Pardo give evidence that non-Muskogean chiefdoms with Woodland Culture lifestyles, were under the political domination of Muskogeans. After the European Disease Holocaust, Creek communities evolved to being representative democracies.

Like in Maya provinces, the Muskogean Head of State and Chief Priest, was the Great Sun – Mikko Hese’. The Hitchiti speaking peoples of southeastern Georgia actually used a Maya word for part of this title, Mako Hese’. The Great Sun could be a man or woman, and was elected by the Council of Elders from a list selected by the lower legislative body, the Council of Beloved Men and Women, from a family that was known to have been descended from the Sun Goddess (or Creator.) By the way, this is one of the reasons that ancestry among Muskogeans was matriarchal. He or she was NOT necessarily leader for life like a European king. He or she could be deposed at any time by the consensus of two councils. However, in Hierarchal Period times, the councils were dominated by (at least distant) relatives of the Great Sun, so the Head of State would have to have been found highly incompetent to have been impeached.

The Great Sun’s role in the community was virtually identical to that of the Emperor of Japan prior to World War II. In fact, the Japanese Emperor was also considered to be a direct descendant from the Sun God. The primary duty of the Great Sun was to represent the community’s interests in his constant worship of the Creator. He or she never addressed the general population directly. It was the job of the Yahoola (Speaker) to transmit his messages to them and to carry their concerns back to the Great Sun. The Great Sun could issue no order to the populace without the consensus of the two councils. He or she could not shed blood, nor participate in warfare. Once war was declared, operation of the government shifted to the Taskimikko (War Leader) and the Taskicike’ (Tas-ki-chi-kee ~ House of Warriors.)

More populous provinces such as around Ochesee (Lamar Mounds Site) and Etalwa (Etowah Mounds) would have been divided into administrative districts known as tvlofa (taw-lo-fa) A governor known simply as a miko lived in a one-mound town known as a tvlufamikko. The miko would administer clusters of smaller villages, hamlets and scattered towns known as tvlofuce’ (taw-lo-fu-chee), which in turn were administered by oratvya (see below.) The well-documented fact that Muskogean provinces were divided into a hierarchy of administrative districts, headed by officials appointed by the central government, totally negates the terms “chiefdom” and “paramount chiefdom” that are used universally by anthropologists.

Activities of the government such as storage of food reserves, maintenance and construction of public works, coordination of guardians (professional soldiers, who watched over town palisades and frontiers,) fabrication and maintenance of weapons, planning for festivals, diplomacy with neighboring provinces, preparation and protection of written records, etc. were carried out by a professional bureaucracy. During the Hierarchal Period, these bureaucrats were most likely relatives of the House of the Great Sun, or descended from the town’s original founders. Large towns, such as Etalwa. were probably occupied by the bureaucracy and the commoners, who assisted them. The professionals such as talliya (architects, town planners & construction supervisors) and coyetvya (cho-ye-taw-ya ~scribes) were members of societies or guilds, who passed their skills down from generation to generation. The word talliya can mean either “to plan or lay out a town” or “to build a town” in Archaic Hitchiti and Koasati.

Oratvya (O-ra-taw-ya ~facilitators) were middle level administrators, who were assigned to manage sections of a town, villages, or specific projects authorized by the councils or House of Warriors. Evidently, in larger towns such as Ocmulgee, Ochesee and Etalwa there were male and female artisans, who specialized in sophisticated ceramics, stone sculptures and copper work for the use of the elite. There were several other societies, whose role involved coordination of certain festivals such as Poskita (New Years), promotion of military or hunting skills, or devotion to certain religious shrines. The numerous round non-domestic structures found at Ocmulgee probably were “clubhouses” for these societies, or perhaps ritual headquarters for clans (see clans below.)

The vast majority of citizens, living in scattered villages, hamlets and farmsteads, were commoners (Cvpofv-vfasv ~ Chaw-faw-aw-fa-saw), who spent their days maintaining households, tilling fields, hunting, fishing, and participating in public works projects. It is highly likely that the ancestors of the commoners were ethnically different than the elite caste. For the elite to claim special hereditary privileges probably required that they initially, and perhaps always, looked physically different. As will be illustrated in our program, the statues of the elite generally have Mesoamerican features, or at least, facial features that are not predominant in modern day Creek Indians. At Ocmulgee and the earliest town at Etalwa, the commoners were probably of Muskogean descent, mixed in with immigrants from indigenous peoples and war captives, sikooya. However, as the Muskogean culture spread across the Southeast, the Muskogeans became the elite, and probably the indigenous people were the commoners. When the speaker translated the village names in the Carolina’s mentioned by de Pardo’s chronicler, he found that in all but one of the provinces, all political titles were Muskogean, yet the town names reflected a variety of ethnic compositions – including Yuchi, Hitchiti-Muskogean, Muskogee-Muskogean, Koasati- Muskogean, Alabamo-Muskogean, Chiska-Muskogean, Siouian, Algonquian, and possibly Proto-Cherokee.

The sikooya were the bottom of Muskogean society. Their name literally means excrement in Hitchiti and Archaic Muskogee. They performed the drudgery tasks like gathering firewood, cutting trees for public works, digging ditches, etc. They were not hereditary slaves. Over time, through marriage or achievement, they could become full citizens of the community.

An interesting correlation . . . the word Sequoyah is NOT a Cherokee word, but is, in fact, the Cherokee way of pronouncing sikooya. This strongly suggests that either Sequoyah’s mother or perhaps, the man himself, was originally a Muskogean captured by the Cherokees, when they were armed and backed by the British government in the mid-1700s.

Clans

The Muskogean clans were vestiges of earlier Woodland Culture societies. At one time, there may have been as many as forty or more clans. They provided a parallel organization of Muskogean societies that allowed the full participation of commoners. When the author translated the names of towns mentioned by the de Soto and de Pardo Chronicles, it was discovered that most of the words were animals or inanimate objects – suggesting that the origin of the towns were villages settled by specific clans. Another interpretation is that in the Archaic and Woodland Periods, the clans were individual tribes. Over time some tribes joined together to form chiefdoms, and during the Hierarchal Period that evolved into theocracies.

Muskogeans could not have intimate relations or marry within their own clan. To violate this rule was a capital offence. Very early in their cultural development, the Muskogeans had learned that intimate relations and/or marriage to close relatives resulted in unhealthy offspring. The only exception to this law was among members of the House of the Sun. They chose lovers and spouses from members of Houses of the Sun in other provinces. The intermarriage of royal houses, as in many cultures, was a means of cementing friendly relations with allies. If the original towns were founded by clans, then the intermarriage between towns helped insure political unity and genetic diversity within a province.

During the Woodland Cultural Period, clans were responsible for the enforcement of laws, plus the apprehension and punishment of law violators. Since the clan-based judicial system was essentially, the old eye for eye, tooth for a tooth system, it resulted in chaos. Constant feuding and blood-letting between clans made life very insecure, and downright miserable, for most people. The creation of hierarchal societies was a major innovation, which was intended to eliminate the chaos and economic insecurity of the Muskogean Clan System.

Muskogean Judicial System

Laws could only be passed by a consensus of the upper and lower legislative bodies. The Great Sun and other members of the bureaucracy could only announce the laws, arrest the accused and hold trials. Evidently, apprehension of the accused was a responsibility of the clan in which an accused was a member. Punishments were carried out by members of the House of Warriors, who were also members of the convicted person's or aggrieved person's clan.

Trials involving civil cases or minor criminal offenses were held by heneha’s . The word is still used today in modern Muskogee. The heneha’s were professional circuit judges, who were knowledgeable in the laws passed by the councils, judicial precedent, and possibly, the Muskogee syllabary. They were probably members of a special society or guild that trained apprentices. They traveled around the province from village to village to hear cases. One of their primary functions was to prevent chaos erupting out in the boonies from family feuds.

Muskogean laws were a little different than contemporary American laws, since their main concern was the continued peace of the community. Since they were communal societies, the concept of theft of personal property was vague. As long as you returned a personal item that you took without asking, it was not a crime. Sexual intercourse between single adults was considered normal. Adultery was punished the first time by mutilation of the face, and the second time by execution. Divorces could be granted quickly by either the heneha or oratv, if either husband or wife wanted a permanent separation. The main requirement was that an uncle in the mother’s clan agreed to take the role of the departing father in the guidance of the children. Upon issuance of a divorce decree, the man had to immediately leave the house with his few personal possessions and live in a special bunk house for single men – or return to the house of his parents, if they still lived. However, at least during historical times, divorces were very rare, since both spouses married for love and economic security. Just like the laws of the ancient Samaritans, a Muskogean man was obligated to marry his wife’s sister, if she was widowed and could not find a husband (or lover) after one year of mourning.

Trials involving capital punishment or banishment from the province were generally held in the capital town. The jury usually consisted of the Council of Elders. Evidently, some provinces used a council composed of heneha’s for cases. Both the Great Sun and the Council of Beloved Men and Women had the right to reduce the punishment assigned by the Council of Elders, but they could not reverse the actual guilty finding. It was not uncommon for the Great Sun or the lower council to reduce the death sentence for adultery, if committed by a couple particularly well-liked in the community. The couple would be escorted to safety by soldiers to a White Town, if the clan members found suitable new spouses for the aggrieved spouses.

Execution of condemned prisoners could not be held in White towns. Since most provincial capitals were White towns, this meant that either the prisoner was escorted to Red towns or an outlying village for execution by soldiers. Execution was generally by being clubbed on the head in the town square. The bodies of traitors and those convicted of sorcery could not be claimed by relatives for burial in sacred locations and were tossed into a nearby river or swamp.

Muskogean Architectural Traditions

There were several different and distinct styles of Muskogean architecture, which generally corresponded to geographical areas and differing external influences. Some Muskogean architectural styles were clearly descended from one of the Mesoamerican cultures – Zoque (Olmec,) Chontal Maya, Zapotec, Highland Maya, Campeche Maya and Nahuatl’s.) Other regional styles can be traced continuously back to the earliest villages and earthworks in the lower Mississippi River Valley, where all the Muskogeans once lived after immigrating from Mexico. The architectural styles of the Hierarchal Societies included round, oval, square, & rectangular buildings and plazas.

After the Muskogeans lost about 95% of their population to European diseases, weapons and slave raids, the remnants relocated to a few surviving towns and eventually formed an alliance known as the People of One Fire or Creek Confederacy. Only one predominant architectural tradition remained after the alliance was formed. It was the Zoque-Muskogean tradition of a rectangular structure facing a round structure across a modest enclosed square. This tradition was common for the Swift Creek villages of 100 AD – 750 AD, but seldom seen in the large towns that appeared between 1000 AD and 1500 AD.

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